“We’ve killed the dog! Now you’ll accept us, or you’ll all die!”

Is political complicity and tribalism fanning the flames of Glebelands violence after the Montclair double hit yesterday?

13 September 2015

By: Vanessa Burger

Following the execution of Glebelands community leader and residents, William Mthembu and Thokozani Machi, the situation at the war torn hostel continues to deteriorate. Although police sources claimed yesterday that two of the shooters were arrested after units were to have been deployed to raid Block 52, it remains unclear what in fact happened after one of the hitmen was later witnessed intimidating residents.

Reliable sources reported that directly after the hits were confirmed the hostel warlord convened a meeting at Block 57 where he allegedly thanked residents for “helping with donations.” It was claimed that he went on to declare, “only a few guys remain, so there is not be much left to pay.” The sinister connection between ‘protection money’ regularly squeezed from residents and the employment of professional hitmen in the increasingly brazen killings, needs no explanation.

Later the same evening, after the police dispersed armed groups from Blocks 52, 57 and O, intent on invading Block R, residents of Block 61A which overlooks R, gathered to taunt, toyi-toyi and intimidate community members gathered at the garage. All night long they reportedly chanted: “We’ve killed the dog! Now you’ll accept us, or you’ll all die!” A few days before Temba Pina was murdered, he received telephone threats that: “We’ll kill William Mthembu, then finish his dogs.”

The tribal overtones attached to these insults have not been lost on the besieged community which comprises in the main of AmaPondo, or people from the Eastern Cape. Despite the inter-tribal unity exhibited by this faction, since the outset of the violence, derogatory tribal references by police, local politicians and thugs have regularly been reportedly against certain individuals who are not Zulu.

Even more disturbing has been reports of seemingly increasingly blatant political support for the warlord’s criminal enterprise. The fact that the community hall – for which only the superintendent and ward councilor are said to have keys – had last night reportedly been thrown open for joyous celebration of yesterday’s massacre, lends further credibility to residents’ claims that the Glebelands violence serves a politically motivated agenda.

At a time when rising state authoritarianism has seen police in parliament and the intensification of the use of brute force and live rounds during public protests, it was astonishing that police units – reportedly Public Order, Umlazi and Metro Police – were witnessed today, escorting a large group of heavily armed thugs in a circuitous route, seemingly chosen to intimidate the maximum number of residents, to the Glebelands community hall, ostensibly for an ANC Branch General Meeting. According to witnesses, police stood by while thugs fired guns – no doubt many illegal – into the air. According to witnesses, the warlord himself, reportedly wielding a cricket bat and loud hailer, strode ‘like a commander’between the blocks, and ‘encouraged’ residents’ attendance at the meeting, which, it would seem, never took place due to lack of community support – despite the cricket bat. While the police are known for their increasingly harsh – sometimes lethal – use of firepower during protests and the rising number of peaceful community mobilizations refused, it is inconceivable that the same police who enthusiastically tortured certain residents, should have stood passively aside while a truckjacker and his team of assassins ran riot at Glebelands.

ANC local and regional committee’s rumoured support for the warlord, however, seems to cast light on the root causes of the ongoing violence and quite why the police appear powerless to secure his arrest and act against his thugs.

In 2012 a vote of no confidence was raised after widespread and longstanding dissatisfaction at the performance and conduct of the local ANC Branch Executive Committee. The local ward councilor was also asked to step down. At the time, it was said that both the BEC members and councillor resisted and refused to acknowledge the majority vote against them or the dissolution of the committee. An ANC Regional Committee deployee was then apparently given a mandate to raise issues of concern with the Secretary of the Regional Committee, which would then have been required to convene a Special Meeting to assist in the formation of an interim structure and ultimately facilitate the election of a new BEC. It was alleged however, that the Secretary failed to consider issues raised and appeared to disregard due process.

In mid-2013, the community’s frustration at the lack of progress, continued service delivery concerns and alleged housing allocation corruption, eventually led to mass protests and the councillor’s office was burnt down. It is rumoured that the Regional Secretary called the disaffected ringleaders to a meeting at which they were warned – some say threatened – to stop bringing the party into disrepute or else face the consequences. A subsequent half-hearted attempt by the MEC for Community Safety and Liaison fizzled out after only a few months.

Since this time, because the Regional Committee failed to intervene after the former BEC was dissolved, the ‘existing’ structure is invalid as it continues to act without a mandate. Members claim that each time this issue is raised it leads to violence, to the degree that it is no longer safe for those involved in raising the initial vote of no confidence or anyone associated with them, to now traverse the numerous ‘no-go zones’ and attend meetings at the community hall. Understandably they requested that the violence be addressed prior to the formation of an interim structure because those who had been instrumental in dissolving the former structure felt they were now excluded from future participation by force.

Together with other ‘troublesome’ branches’ this impasse has repeatedly stalled the controversial ANC regional conference, the outcome of which will ultimately determine who controls KZN and its lucrative public purse. As the ANC’s strongest province, whoever controls KZN, controls the ANC. The current battle between contenders seems particularly protracted and bloody.

In January 2015 a new wave of terror swept the hostel as hired hitmen picked off an increasing number of residents who, coincidentally, appear to have numbered overwhelmingly amongst the formerly disaffected, most of whom were also former COPE supporters, originated in the Eastern Cape and were members or associates of the former block committee structures – disbanded by the Premier last year. In addition to the creation of a criminal empire, the warlord’s political mandate now seems clear, albeit lacking in credibility.

Recent statements by the KZN Community Safety and Liaison portfolio committee chairman, that, in order to address the violence, all Glebelands residents should be removed from the hostel and only those officially registered be reallocated rooms, appears to lend even further credibility to claims of a politically vested campaign of attrition and terror. As one resident recently put it: “The ANC’s project now becomes clear – they will get us out one way or another.” 

Local general elections are coming up next year. The ward councilor has already served two terms so cannot stand again. What will stop the ambitious warlord from expanding his constituency into the political arena? What better way to gain credibility – and of course a lot more money – than to run for local office? And why stop there? Perhaps in a few years, with police in his pocket, he could gain the presidency, he is after all, not yet thirty years old.

In the meantime, tensions at Glebelands remain on a knife-edge. Anything can happen and no one is safe when a hostel killer’s WhatsApp status parodies what has become national policy: “Silent lips may avoid so many problems…”